Tea and Social Class Boundaries in 19th Century England

Matthew Geronimo Professor Haydu SOCI 106 12 expose 2013 laternoon afternoon tea leaf leaf magazine leaf leaftimetime leaftime and Social Class Boundaries in nineteenth Century England How did good good by and bynoon by and bynoon teatime leaftime leaftime leaf rituals, custom duty, and etiquette reenforce cordial section boundaries in nineteenth light speed England? This question is relevant, in that it learns us to reflect on how simple commodities such(prenominal) as tea nates adept start hearty inconsistencys among screen forthes, twain ultimo and pre direct it also al up restores us to debate on how tea was popularized into the periodic-consumed b for eerage it is to this mean solar sidereal daytime with plenty of all(prenominal)(prenominal) illuminate backgrungs. In her book A Necessary lavishness tea in Victorian England (2008), Julie E.Fromer discusses how in nineteenth nose female genitalsdy England new naming catego ries and new hierarchies of posture developed along lines stemming from inlet habits, creating moral guidelines demonstrated on what and when and how angiotensin converting enzyme consumed the commodities of position culture, (Fromer, 6). After discussing roughly origins of plastered(prenominal) tea rituals such as miserable and senior highschool school tea, I testa openst elabo tell on how those rituals influenced and built mixer boundaries amongst the bring low berth and international amperehetamine syndicatees further more(prenominal)(prenominal), I will analyze how certain tea customs and etiquette shaped the pr personationice of tea-time betwixt the lower and fastness illuminatees.There atomic number 18 variations on the origin of the good afternoon tea ritual. The original tea leg decease always attri unlesses the finesse of afternoon tea to Anna Maria, wife of the seventh Duke of Bedford, who wrote to her br an some anformer(a)(prenominal)(prenomi nal)-in-law in a letter send from Windsor Castle in 1841 I forgot to c every forth my old friend Prince Esterhazy who drank tea with me the other evening at 5 oclock, or or else was my guest amongst eightsome ladies at the Castle, (Pettigrew, 102).While tea was al attain a luxurious beverage at the time, when to present tea during the day became a subject ara cultural custom. The Duchess is said to consecrate experient a sinking feeling in the middle of the afternoon, because of the long gap between luncheon and dinner and so asked her maiden to bring her e really the necessary tea things and something to eat probably the traditional chicken feed and al mavin and only(a)ter to her private get on in rove that she might stave take out her hunger pangs, (Pettigrew, 102).Upper- tell apart citizens caught on with this trend, take part in a ritual that would define a nation. Upper- year families would embark in low tea at a pricy hour between lunch and dinner. courtes y of Modern Society, written in 1872, depict the way in which afternoon tea had gradu tout ensembley choke an established event. midget Teas, it explained, take transport in the afternoon and were so-called because of the atrophied amount of forage served and the neatness and elegance of the meal, (Pettigrew, 104).Consuming victuals with tea during the day between meals might accommodate speculated the slope masses for growing accustom to eating all everyplacely all everyplace more than during the day, yet check to Marie Bayard in her Hints on Etiquette (1884), afternoon tea was non supposed to be a substantial meal, merely a light re whitement. She adds, Cakes, thin bread and butter, and thermal butte red-faced scones, muffins, or toast atomic number 18 all the accompaniments morosely necessary. The velocity classes during the nineteenth vitamin C were kn ingest more for imbi existence more expensive and lithesome teas, such as those from China, Ceylon , or Assam.The wealthy and privileged groups of nineteenth speed of light England dealwisek pride in their customs with the custom of tea, they sp ard no expense in continueing true to their idealized rituals. Low tea was a daily practice for the velocity classes. Martha Chute created a series of water-color word-paintings that portrayed daily life at the Vyne in Hampshire in the mid-nineteenth century. This contingent 1860 watercolour (Pettigrew, 99) depicts a dine direction set back prepared for breakfast with the tea urn in the middle of the regularise over and the tea cups put out.The paintings stage linguistic context takes place in a very speeding class room with portraits of speeding class citizens and scenery artwork hung all most the room. Published in 1807, Thomas Rowlandsons Miseries Personal (Pettigrew, 65) illustrates powerful pep pill berth-class men and women lovingising slice consuming tea to the extent that the men are all practically drunk b ecause of drinking too much tea. From the illustration, the audience female genitals unwrap that these powerful men convey no cares, worries, or c formerlyrns at all theyre not worried or so acquire food on the shelve for their families.They are only concerned with having a near time with the somewhat disgusted women in the painting bandage they consume argillaceous amounts of tea, symbolizing their refinery and high sociable class condition. Published in 1824, Edward Villiers Rippingilles The Travellers eat (Pettigrew, 77) illustrates members of the literary circle that idealized Sir Charles Elton, including Coleridge, Southey, and Dorothy and William Wordsworth, as they have breakfast in an inn, with the tea urn focused in the middle of the prorogue. match to Mrs.Beeton in the 1879 edition of her Book of home plate Management, At Home teas and Tea Receptions were bountiful afternoon events for up to two vitamin C guests. Tea was laid out on a large slacken in the c orner of the draft or dining room, and servants would be on die to pullulate and hand round the cups of tea, sugar, cream or milk, cakes, and bread and butter, (Pettigrew, 107). Beeton reinforces the notion that these products were anticipate to be present at the tea put back for afternoon tea with the upper classes. For the upper-classes, afternoon tea could be taken out to the garden.In an 1871 graphic artwork titled eardrum in Knightsbridge, (Pettigrew, 106) the artist displays men, women, and a baby bird tenderizing in a garden, with trees and flowers ring them, while they enjoy their afternoon tea. harmonize to Pettigrew, the caption reads In this abidance of afternoon decree, ladies and gentlemen can mingle . . . it is certainly much better to talk scandal in the garden than indoors, (Pettigrew, 107). From this context, Pettigrew hints that scandalous maunder was cat valium in between slew in the upper classes during afternoon tea, and that it was better to gossi p outdoors rather than indoors.While the etiquette and customs of low tea can be reflected in the mannerisms of upper class breakfast with tea, In 1884, Marie Bayard aware in Hints on Etiquette that the kosher time . . . is from four to seven, whereas others advised about five, or referred to baseborn 5 oclock teas, (Pettigrew, 108). Staying true to the specialized hours with afternoon tea was substantive to the upper classes in rig to remain the callations that came with afternoon low tea. Guests were not evaluate to stay for the entire time that tea was going on, but to come and go as they pleased during the allotted hours.Most stayed one- half an hour or an hour but should on no account stay later than seven oclock, (Pettigrew, 108). The relationships between upper-class families and servants were distinguished with tea. Families who diligent servants very often took high tea on Sunday in order to allow the maids and butler time to go to church and not worry about cooki ng an evening meal for the family, (Pettigrew, 112). Tea was so relevant during the nineteenth century that Pettigrew notes how upper-class families would rarely take a break from it.On Sundays, instead of eliminating tea from the day entirely, upper-class families would substitute their afternoon tea for high tea, which included heavier foods to replace dinner, all for the sake of allowing their maids and servants go to church. Servants of the tabby reservoir her liking of tea in the nineteenth century as well. In capital of the United Kingdom, pantywaist Victoria introduced afternoon receptions at Buckingham castle in 1865 and garden parties, known as breakfasts in 1868, (Pettigrew, 115). One of Her Majestys Servants is quoted in The privy Life of the Queen (1897), Her Majesty has a strong helplessness for afternoon tea. From her early days in Scotland, when Brown and the other gillies used to toil the kettle in a render corner of the moors while Her Majesty and the unexa mpled Princesses sketched, the refreshing cup of tea has ever ranked high in the kingly favour. Various forms of artwork captured the ritual of tea-time during nineteenth century England.A p gameyograph from the 1880s presents a clear b omit-and-white image of what tea time looked like for the wealthy in this particular case, for the Prince and Princess of Wales as they sociableize with the Rothschild family at Waddesdon Manor in Buckinghamshire, (Pettigrew, 114). In the ikon, we insure a garden tea party taking place, both men and women well-dressed, all turn onting down in a straight posture except for the single servant, the tea table set with the tea urn in the middle, a tent set up, and even an umbrella placed at an angle to prevent whatever annoying from the sun.While consuming tea was popular in the 19th century, the art and strategy of trade it as a valuable good grew in trend. Advertisements in the 19th century for tea advocated certain product brands, claiming tha t that specific brand was better than the rest, even hinting that they were a brand for more sophisticated, upper-class tea drinkers. An advertisement for Lipton, Tea, C transferee and Provision lead (Fromer, 84) attempts to differentiate regular tea drinkers from Lipton tea drinkers On the left, an illustration depicts two women successful as they drink their tea.Their features are fine-tune and regular, their cheeks are pleasingly plump, and they let on bonnets over their fashionably curled hair. Their dresses indicate their bourgeoisie wealth and fashion guts they wear modest, high-necked gowns without excess frills or ornaments, even the designs of their dresses reveal up-to-date fashion, with curving bodices, bustles, and foreshorten waists, (Fromer, 83). In the advertisement, the choice to drink other tea besides the Lipton brand is reflected on their mis-shaped bodies, deplorable etiquette, and disappointing behavior. Tea and its habit reinforced amicable class bou ndaries in 19th century England.In bloody shame Gaskells conjugation and South (1855), tea inspiration serves as a statement of peoples social class and their standards. end-to-end the changes in the carts financial and social status doneout the novel, their tea drinking continues unabated, and contempt the economies that they are forced to observe after Mr. trail gives up his living, they never follow giving up tea, (Fromer, 132). Fromer comments on Gaskells North and South (1855), marking how tea for upper-class citizens, such as the Hales, it too valuable in social status worth to sacrifice.Fromer continues their the Hales identity indoors the industrial town of Milton derives from their consumption patterns, their participation in the market providence of the city, the amount of capital they have to overlook, and the ways in which they spend it. Mr. Hale is caught remove guard and is petrified by Margarets narrative of a mess about worker who has come to join the m for tea. Margaret Told the story completely and her get under ones skin was rather taken aback by the idea of the sottish weaver finch a hold him in his quiet study, with whom he was expected to drink tea, (Gaskell, 285). Oh dear A drunken infidel weaver said Mr.Hale to himself, in dis whitethorn, (Gaskell, 286). Mr. Hale cannot handle the idea of having a low-class worker in his home, participating in his familys afternoon tea. The very thought of it is inconceivable to him, especially visual perception how Margaret invited the mill worker for tea. The working class was distinguished by having less etiquette and cosmos not nearly as strict with their tea rituals as the middle and upper classes. Tea for the poor was unruffled cherished, was still valuable, but as far as how straight they could be, based on their social class status alone, they constantly went by means of hard times on a daily basis. During the working day invoke workers and labourers generally drank beer, but in the 19th century, at that place was a drastic cutting from beer being the common beverage workers drank end-to-end the day to tea. All around the country, workers refreshful themselves with hot or cold tea in factories, mines, offices and farmers fields, on railways, roads and fish boats. Tea had become the best drink of the day, (Pettigrew, 125). The poor and working class participated mostly in high tea, which was substituted for dinner. Meals throughout the day for the working class included tea. The outset field of study Food Inquiry of 1863 observed that unretentive had changed for the working classes since the late eighteenth century and that farm labourers and home workers, such as silk weavers, bespeaklewomen, glover makers and shoemakers, throughout Britain, started the day with a meager meal of milk or water gruel or porridge, bread and butter, and tea, (Pettigrew, 98). both day was a struggle for the lower classes. Many working class families started each day still hungry. They would be sent off in the morning after a meager breakfast of potatoes and tea to walk several miles to their place of work.Lunch was juiceless bread with perhaps a lesser cheese in good times, and more potatoes and tea at home in the evening, (Pettigrew, 124). While daily meal intakes were skillful meant to fuel laborers to get through the day, tea was always considered a lavishness, something that still affiliated them to the upper classes, regardless of how less sylphlike their etiquette was. Dickenss stories are blanket(a) of poor families, young apprentices, social outcasts, and those who survived from hand to mouth, only when about coping in very mean lodgings that argument markedly with the sumptuous breakfast tables of the upper and middle classes, (Pettigrew, 99).In Elizabeth Gaskells novel Mary Barton (1848), Gaskell conveys the thought-processing that went into listing what was needed for working-class meals and the impressiveness of tea Run, Mary dear, first round the corner, and get some fresh testis at Tippings . . . and see if he has any nice ham cut that he would let us have a pound of . . . and Mary, you essential get a pennyworth of milk and a loaf of bread mind you get it fresh and new thats all, Mary. No, its not all said her husband. Though must get sixpennyworth of rum to warm the tea . . . A watercolor painting by Thomas Unwins (1782-1857) titled Living off the Fat of the Land, a Country feed in (Pettigrew, 111) illustrates high tea in a country cottage, with what is depicted as a lower class family eating hams, cheeses, and sunbaked bread while drinking tea. The painting portrays many people filled in a low cottage having high tea in replacement of dinner, with children playacting on the floor, vegetables fallen from a scoke lying on the floor, cats and dogs sleeping and move around, a man sneezing near(a) to the ham, a woman drinking her tea out of a saucer while tending to a child, etc. the consentaneous illustration is a mess. While refined tea was mainly consumed by the upper classes, the working class still treasure tea as a luxury, its repute and worth could be tasted even with just a little bit of sugar. In 1853, the Edinburgh freshen wrote By her fireside, in her blue cottage, the lonely widow sits the kettle simmers over the ruddy embers, and the blackened tea-pot on the hot brick prepares her evening drink.Her crust is scanty, heretofore as she sips the warm beverage little sweetened, it may be, with the produce of the sugar-cane genial thoughts awaken in her mind her cottage grows less sick and lonely, and comfort seems to en known the ill-furnished cabin, (Pettigrew, 111). In an 1878 word picture of a poor Victorian habitation during tea time (Pettigrew, 104), the audience can make out the small room in which they are all in, airstream drying on a clothesline, with some of the children not even being able to sit at the table, just sitting on a bench close to it against the wall.This photo demonstrates the difference in tea etiquette between the upper and lower classes, especially with what looks like the eldest daughter caring for the youngest sister on her lap at the table, this being unlikely at an upper-class tea table. Tea was just as self-assertive as a daily trade good as it was to the upper classes. The poor household, in that locationfore, delineated a scaled-down chance variable of the middle-class home, suggesting that nineteenth-century histories of tea portray class as a matter of degree rather than kind.Working-class families aspired to the homogeneous values as the middle classes, responding to their littler incomes by taking further measures of economy but not by sacrificing the consumer commodities that had become necessary to English quotidian life, (Fromer, 79). Tea served as a revitalizing commodity for all, even the elderly. According to Day from the Edinburgh Review in Tea Its Mystery a nd recital (1878), It is not surprising that the of age(p) womanly whose earnings are barely suitable to buy what are called the common necessaries of life, should to date spare a portion of her small gains in procuring the grateful indulgence.She can aim her strength with less common food when she takes her Tea along with it while she, at the same time, feels lighter in spirits, more cheerful, and fitter for this dim work of life, because of this little indulgence, (Day, 75-76). While the wealthy upper classes had standards and expectations with their consumption of tea, the lower classes, even the poor elderly, comprehend tea as a corking luxury of worth that altered their everyday behavior. Tea affected her (the poor aged females) demeanor, her manner, and her cheer, enabling her to accept her slant and work harder, being fitter for the dull work life, (Fromer, 83).Tea time for the working class wasnt meant to be a socializing event, nor was it a strict ritual. Tea drin king, correspond to nineteenth-century ads and histories of tea, replaced the vices that were typically found among the humbler classes, including alcoholism, violence, and a lack of attention to domestic arrangements, with the values of domestic economy, respectability, good taste, thrift, and an appreciation for high-quality consumer luxuries associated with more-fortunate, middle-class economic circumstances, (Fromer, 87).inside Gaskells North and South, we get glimpses of Margaret Hales life as a younger girl. She remembered the dark, dim look of the capital of the United Kingdom nursery. . . . She recollected the first tea up there separate from her father and aunt, who were dining somewhere down below an infinite reason of stairs . . . At home before she came to live in Harley Street her conveys dressing-room had been her nursery and, as they had her meals with her father and mother, (Gaskell, 38).Gaskell emphasizes the difference in settings in Margaret Hales life, c ontrasting the less refined and luxurious life she had before she came to live in Harley Street, to her now higher social status in Harley Street. Gaskell hints this with how tea was consumed between the two settings. More than simply differentiating the social boundaries created by tea through certain tea rituals, the etiquette of tea drinking of both the lower and upper classes reinforced these social class boundaries in 19th century England.English upper class etiquette did not just distinguish them from the poor, but also from other countries as well. A sketch promulgated in 1825 (Pettigrew, 84) points out the difference in manners and etiquette between the English and the French. The survey refers to the English custom of placing a take off across or inside the teacupful to express that the drinker does not need a refill, though the audience can see that the English personalitys in the cartoon have been refilling the Frenchmans teacup multiple times in a humorous manner. Certain rules and expectations went into tea-time with the upper classes. Invitations to tea were issued verbally or by a small informal note or card, (Pettigrew, 108). Many aspects and variations went into tea etiquette that defined the upper classes. For how to receive guests into ones home, the dame at Home and Abroad (1898) explains that for small tea gatherings the hostess receives her friends in the drawing room as on any other afternoon . . . but when it is a case of a regular afternoon entertainment, she stands at the head of the staircase and receives as she would at a ball or a wedding reception. Like Gaskells North and South, novels such as Emily Brontes Wuthering high school (1847) capture the norms and etiquette that come with upper class tea time and how those norms are broken and revealed through character reactions. Within Wuthering Heights, tea creates boundaries between characters, rather than erasing them. The rituals of the tea table cause Lockwood (and readers of the novel, to an extent) to feel isolated, casteless, and threatened, rather than welcomed in and nourished as guests and as well-reads, (Fromer, 152-153).In a scene from Brontes Wuthering Heights, the character named Lockwood, an upper-class male, seeks refuge from an early rash in Wuthering Heights. Young Catherine hesitatingly admits Lockwood into Wuthering Heights and he accepts it as an ideal setting for tea. While Catherine attempts to attain a canister shot of tea leaves almost out of reach, Lockwood makes a motion to aid her (Bronte, 16), but she responds, I wont want your help . . . I can get them for myself. Bronte continues with Lockwoods narration I beg your pardon, I hastened to reply. Were you asked to tea? she demanded, tying an apron over her neat black frock, and standing with a spoonful of the leaf poised over the pot. I shall be glad to have a cup, I answered. Were you asked? she repeated. No, I said, half smiling. You are the proper person to ask me. S he flung the tea back, spoon and all and resumed her conduce in a pet, her forehead corrugated, and her red underlip pushed out, like a childs, ready to cry, (Bronte, 16-17). Bronte uses this scene to underscore a substantive aspect of upper-class tea tiquette again, Invitations to tea were issued verbally or by a small informal note or card, (Pettigrew, 108). While to present day audiences of Wuthering Heights, Catherines behavior may have seemed rude, to Brontes audience in the 19th century, Catherines response to Lockwood probably seemed understandable because according to upper-class tea etiquette, in order to engage and participate in tea-time with someone, he or she needs to be invited first. In another scene from Wuthering Heights, Catherine plays hostess during tea-time with characters Edgar and Heathcliff at Wuthering Heights. The meal hardly endured ten minutes. Catherines cup was never filled she could neither eat nor drink. Edgar had made a slosh around in his saucer, and scarcely swallowed a mouthful, (Bronte, 97-98). here(predicate) the audience can see the difference in etiquette between the higher and lower classes, even if the difference in class is not too vast. Edgars slush in his saucer signals his unsteady hand (Fromer, 162). This moment of tea, which is supposed to bring people together and erase boundaries, instead emphasizes those boundaries and signals the end of peace and familial happiness, (Fromer, 162-163).Again, Bronte distinguishes the class differences reinforced through the tea ritual and form of etiquette. Like Brontes Wuthering Heights (1847), 19th century novels such as Lewis Carrolls Alices Adventures in Wonderland (1865) delineates social class boundaries reinforced by tea etiquette. The story of Alice adventuring into Wonderland is a reflection of facing elements people are not used to for Alice, what she believed was her fortissimo was etiquette. Carroll thus plays on the idea of expectations he assumes that we as readers, like Alice, have certain expectations of what a tea party offers, and he continually frustrates those expectations through his depiction of A feisty Tea Party, (Fromer, 169). During the infamous Mad Tea Party scene, Alice encounters the Mad dressmaker, the display cony, and the mouse at their tea party. Alice expects to be welcomed at the tea table, seeing how the table was a large one, but the ternion were all crowded together at one corner of it . . . (Carroll, 60).But as she approached the table, the Hare and the Mad Hatter cried out, No room No room (Carroll, 60). twain audiences of the 19th century and present day may have found the hosts to be incredibly rude exclaiming that there is no room while there obviously was, but, again, we must remember principle etiquette that guests must be invited to tea. Both Brontes Lockwood and Carrolls Alice encounter tea setting and expect to be invited therefore, they approach the hosts and proceed to the tables, yet both characters are actually unwanted from both hosts in each novel.Lockwood and Alice are characterized as being of middle or upper class in their own storylines and they both invite themselves to these tea tables where they were never originally invited to and when they are confronted about it, they both are shocked. At any rate Ill never go there again . . . Its the stupidest tea-party I ever was at in all my life, (Carroll, 68). Carroll reinforces Alices stubbornness an inability to realize that she was the one who violated the etiquette and customs of tea time by inviting herself to tea instead of waiting for an invitation from the Mad Hatter and the litigate Hare.The exchange between Alice and the Mad Hatter and March Hare exceeds levels of rudeness that audiences of both 19th century and present-day England would be scandalize by. I dont animadvert then the Hatter cuts her off, Then you shouldnt talk. This piece of rudeness was more than Alice could obtain she got up in gre at disgust, and walked off the Dormouse fell asleep instantly, and neither of the others took the least(prenominal) notice of her going, though she looked back once or twice, half hoping that they would call after her, (Carroll, 67).While Alice storms off believing that the Mad Hatter and March Hare are in the wrong, Carrolls use of depicting Alice face back conveys that in her heart, perhaps Alice knew that she was the one who violate the proper mannerisms and etiquette of tea time. From Fromers perspective, After feeling adrift and intricate during her travels through Wonderland, Alice has finally stumbled upon a setting where she feels at home and thinks that she knows what to expect and how to act at the tea table . . .She expects the boundaries that so clearly separate her from all of the other characters she has met to finally be overcome, so that she can feel welcomed and nourished as an intimate guest rather than an unexpected and uninvited intruder, (Fromer, 170-171). Tea rituals, customs, and etiquette distinguish people from one another, they sort them into groups labeled either poor or wealthy. Teatime functions, in unnumberable novels, as a moment of high spot the boundaries between self and other, inside and out-of-door, day and night boundaries both within outside of the intimate realm . . Part of what makes this particular tea party mad is the fact that it violates the boundaries of time just as much as it destroys expectation of hospitality and civility, (Fromer, 172). Both Alice and Brontes Lockwood assume that simply by being part of the upper classes of society that they are entitled to respect from others but as Gaskells and Carrolls audiences have realized, having respect for others defines social status and influences social mannerisms and proper etiquette. Within Gaskells North and South (1854-55), the image of the tea table functions as a crystallization of English national identity and the various social classes that make up that national sense of self, (Fromer, 129). Fromer analyzes North and South as a novel that distinguishes the different social classes in 19th century England and how their social statuses are formed and reinforced by through tea rituals and etiquette.Furthermore, based on go cultural expectations of the social manners and consumption rituals performed during teatime, the English ideal of the tea table served as shared experience upon which to base ones identity and to pot the social status of others, (Fromer, 129). Tea, as a fluid constant in English culture, with its accompanying social rituals, was flexible bounteous to accommodate and to mark subtle differences in social status, to mediate these differences between groups within the English nation, (Fromer, 12).Members of both the lower and upper classes participated in tea rituals depending on their social class statuses, they were more than likely to participate in one or the other. sooner simply, the middle and upper-cla ss members of societies engaged in afternoon low tea the mass of the time because of its origin to English royal line and the exercise to keep hunger away between noon and dinner meals. On the other end, the poor and working class members of society engaged in high tea, combining their dinner meal with tea in order to alleviate the time and costs of tea time in the middle of the afternoon.The working class did not concern themselves with strict and traditional customs and etiquette like the middle and upper classes did. They participated in high tea for the practical purpose of fighting off hunger while retaining a sense of dignity and luxury with the value and worth of tea. As put by Fromer (11) Nineteenth century representations of tea highlight the role of the tea table in forging a matching English national identity out of disparate social groups, economic classes, and genders apart(p) by ideologically distinct spheres of daily life. Bibliography Bayard, Marie. Hints on Etiq uette. Edited by Marie Bayard. capital of the United Kingdom Weldon & Company, 1884. Beeton, Mrs. Mrs. Beetons Book of crime syndicate Management. Edited by Nicola Humble. Abridged version of 1861 edition. tonicYork Oxford University Press, 2000. Bronte, Emily. Wuthering Heights. New York. Penguin Books, 1993. Carroll, Lewis. Alices Adventures in Wonderland and through with(predicate) the Looking Glass. New York Oxford University Press, 1982. Day, Samuel Phillips.Tea Its Mystery and History. London Digital Text Publishing Company, 2010. Fromer, Julie E. A Necessary Luxury Tea in Victorian England. Athens Ohio University Press, 2008. Gaskell, Elizabeth. Mary Barton & North and South. Edited by Edgar Wright. New York Oxford University Press, 1987. One of Her Majestys Servants. The Private Life of the Queen. Edited by Emily Sheffield. Gresham Books, 1979. Pettigrew, Jane. A Social History of Tea. London National Trust Enterprises, 2001.